Furthermore, the antitrust action of President Dwight Eisenhower forced the company to divest its holding in railroads and marketing operations. Immerman relates in detail how the CIA and United Fruit magnates paint the guatemalan flag red and declare the country communist because they misinterpreted Agrarian Reform as a direct threat to "National Security." Using documents obtained through the Freedom of Information Act, recently opened archival collections, and interviews with the actual participants, Immerman provides us with a definitive, powerfully written, and tension-packed account of the United States' clandestine operations in Guatemala and their consequences in Latin America today. Groff S. (1999), "Inside US Counterinsurgency, A Soldier Speaks", Consortium News. It also specified plans to enlist air support from Nicaragua and Honduras. The Guatemalan's had to rely on American for money due to their inability to borrow money themselves. [59], An investigative report published in the San Francisco Chronicle in August 1981, American newspaper columnist Jack Anderson, that the CIA was using Cuban exile groups to train security forces in Guatemala; in this operation, Anderson wrote, the CIA had arranged for "secret training in the finer points of assassination. Serrano then fled Guatemala and was replaced by Ramiro de León Carpio. The incident became famous as the first case of mass "disappearance" in Guatemala's history and one of the first uses of forced disappearances as a counterinsurgency tactic in Latin America. Commentators noted that the Arbenz government was not communist, but progressive and reformist, and the US coup stemmed from American business self-interest, mainly in the fruit sector. President of Guatemala Jacobo Arbenz Guzman was against UNFCO and blamed them for the country's underdevelopment. The anti-communist elements—the Catholic hierarchy, landowners, business interests, the railway workers union, university students and the army were prepared to prevent socialism, but apart from the US they had little outside support. Intelligence Oversight Board", "Recognition of Terry Ward As Recipient of Distinguished Career Intelligence Medal", Official reports by the U.S. Government on the CIA, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=CIA_activities_in_Guatemala&oldid=1016755167, Articles with unsourced statements from October 2020, Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License, This page was last edited on 8 April 2021, at 21:48. This was primarily due to tensions between Guatemala and the UK over the sovereignty of Belize (formerly British Honduras) and US Congress's criticism of Guatemala's dismal human rights record. Abhängig von der Lieferadresse kann die USt. [34] Among the victims was the leader of the Partido Guatemalteco de Trabajadores (PGT), Victor Manuel Gutiérrez . Following the appointment of John Peurifoy to the post of Ambassador to Guatemala in 1953, Peurifoy used his governmental influence in Guatemala to spur on rebellion against the Arbenz government, and helping funnel money and weapons to the rebels supporting Castillo. ; In Guatemala's Dark Heart, C.I.A. After multiple meetings these agencies were distrustful of each other and could not agree upon a plan of action. The CIA and Guatemala Digital History ID 1119. Since the 1960s, the CIA has had links with a Guatemalan Army unit -- the G-2 -- that maintains a network of torture centers and body dumps throughout Guatemala and has killed thousands of Guatemalan civilians. Arbenz was targeted in large part because of his land reform policies that affected U.S. companies, namely the United Fruit Company. "[22] These operations would be carried out throughout Latin America for the next thirty years, resulting in massive loss of life for civilians caught in the crossfire of the Cold War. Raborn was unsuccessful in finding such evidence. The full scale of these concealed programs remains largely unknown. In late 1965 Ambassador Mein requested help from the United States with fighting terrorist and kidnapping in Guatemala. FREDERICK W. MARKS III . These units would kill or abduct ("neutralize") suspected NLF cadre and synpathizers. These were supported by ethnic Maya indigenous peoples and Ladino peasants, who together make up the rural poor. [7] The conditions for selecting names to add to the list were broken down into three conditions: the target had to be, a Communist driven politician who was not outwardly supportive of Communism, a public Communist whose elimination was necessary for the success of the future government, or a military target whose elimination was necessary for certain military actions. "[12] This deflection was done to cast suspicion on communist influences in the region as a reason for the conflict, although Árbenz was not a communist himself. In December of 1952, the Guatemalan Communist Party was legalized in the country, and workers at the United Fruit's Tiquisate plantation filed for seizure of around 50,000 acres of land. After a report came back to the CIA from Seekford, Deputy Director Allen Dulles drafted a formal proposal to provide $225,000 worth of arms and ammunition to Armas. The coup, code-named Operation PBSUCCESS, deposed Guatemalan President Jacobo Árbenz Guzman, ended the Guatemalan Revolution and installed the military dictatorship of Carlos Castillo Armas. Bitte versuchen Sie es erneut. Agents created a booklet containing the obtained documents which specifically showed photographs of Arbenz's library filled with Marxist texts, Chinese communists materials, and a copy of Stalin's biography, as well as evidence of an attempt to purchase weapons from Italy along with cables from Arbenz that contained strong communist influences. Central Intelligence Agency, Diplomatic relations, United States -- Foreign relations -- Guatemala, Guatemala -- Foreign relations -- United States, Guatemala -- Relaciones exteriores -- EE. [2], New developments in early 1953 proposed the use of “sabotage, defection, penetration, and propaganda efforts” to topple the Guatemalan government and military. However, the cover was blown and the plan was terminated before it could ever be carried out. [45], US government Biographic Register and Foreign Service Lists reveal that many of the same American OPS and other functionaries operating in Guatemala were also involved in Vietnam, particularly in Civil Operations and Revolutionary Development Support (CORDS). The head of the CIA, Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) Walter Bedell Smith advocated for action because in his assessment without US help, the Guatemalan opposition would remain inept, disorganized and inefficient. The CIA in Guatemala : the foreign policy of intervention by Immerman, Richard H. Publication date 1982 Topics United States. Learn how and when to remove this template message, Civil Operations and Revolutionary Development Support, "CIA and Assassinations: The Guatemala 1954 Documents", "CIA and Guatemala Assassination Proposals 1952-1954", "Electronic Briefing Book No. The report even considered his character, noting that he was "a quiet, soft-spoken officer who does not seem to be given to exaggeration. A 1951 document mentions meetings between people representing the company and government officials. The CIA and Castillo Armas in Guatemala, 1954: New Clues to an Old Puzzle FREDERICK W. MARKS III* Few episodes in the history of the Eisenhower administration have engendered more controversy or drawn heavier fire from academic chroniclers of the past than American intervention in Guatemala. In July 1966, president Julio Caesar Mendez Montenegro signed a pact which gave the army and security services the green-light to apply "any means necessary" in fighting insurgents and internal opposition groups. An excellent read. Using documents obtained through the Freedom of Information Act, recently opened archival collections, and interviews with actual participants, Immerman provides us with a definitive, powerfully written, and tension-packed account of the United States' clandestine operations in Guatemala and their consequences in Latin America today. "[6] As early as February of that year, CIA Headquarters began generating memos with subject titles such as "Guatemalan Communist Personnel to be disposed of during Military Operations," outlining categories of persons to be neutralized "through Executive Action"—murder—or through imprisonment and exile. The U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has a rich history of intervention over many decades in Guatemala, a country in Central America. "Telegram From the Ambassador in Guatemala (Peurifoy) to the Department of State". [23] This meant that Guatemala would require financial help from the United States, which initially, was hard to obtain. To accomplish these ends, the United States sought to promote a propaganda "terror campaign" in order to terrify and demoralize both Arbenz and his troops. [30], A major feature of the new pacification strategy was the synchronization of the military and police forces in carrying out extralegal counter-terror activities. Hinzufügen war nicht erfolgreich. The Bureau of Inter-American Affairs, for example, did not want to present 'the spectacle of the elephant shaking with alarm before the mouse'". This mission was very much tied to fruit and a company named United Fruit Company (UNFCO). Due to the proximity of Guatemala to the United States, the fear of the Soviet Union creating a beachhead in Guatemala created panic in the United States government during the Cold War. With money and support from US advisors, President Enrique Peralta Azurdia established a Presidential Intelligence Agency in the National Palace, under which a telecommunications database known as the Regional Telecommunications Center or La Regional existed, linking the National Police, the Treasury Guard, the Judicial Police, the Presidential House and the Military Communications Center via a VHF-FM intracity frequency. The Army General Staff subsequently assumed all control over the security forces and appointed Vice-Defense Minister, Col. Manuel Francisco Sosa Avila as the main "counterinsurgency coordinator". In nineteen pages, now-anonymous drafters offered advice such as "The simplest local tools are often much the most efficient means of assassination," and "falls before trains or subway cars are usually effective, but require exact timing and can seldom be free from unexpected observation. [12] The United Fruit company, a US company, had seized large amounts of land in Guatemala, leaving little land for local Guatemalans regarding housing and other land usage. Nachdem Sie Produktseiten oder Suchergebnisse angesehen haben, finden Sie hier eine einfache Möglichkeit, diese Seiten wiederzufinden. [2] The document disapproved of murder but allowed for assassination when the intended victim "is a clear and present danger to the cause of freedom. His hubris caught the attention of the US government, who had already been conceiving ideas on how to deal with the possible uprising of communism in Guatemala—America’s own backyard. involvement in Guatemala and the circumstances surrounding the death of a U.S. citizen. [47], Central to Phoenix was the use of death squads; also known as "killer-teams", "counter-terror teams" or more euphemistically as Provincial Reconnaissance Units (PRUs). The CIA in Guatemala by Immerman, Richard H., 1982, University of Texas Press edition, in English - 1st ed. After the installment of the Castillo Armas by the CIA and after Arbenz left, hundreds of Guatemalan were killed. Initially formed by the extreme-right MLN party as a paramilitary front in June 1966 to prevent President Méndez Montenegro from taking office, the MANO was quickly coopted by the army as an auxiliary force. This was the same rationale given by the administration for providing $19.5 million to the Contra program in 1981. Protesters gathered to burn American flags and images of Eisenhower and Dulles in cities such as Havana, Mexico City, and Buenos Aires, among others. [13] The CIA claimed it intervened because it feared that a communist government would become "a Soviet beachhead in the Western Hemisphere;"[16] however, it was also protecting, among others, four hundred thousand acres of land the United Fruit Company had acquired. [66] After this information was unveiled, John Duetch, then-Director of the CIA, forced Terry Ward, the CIA's Chief of the Latin American Division, to retire for failing to inform Congress about these alleged offenses, though still expressing that the forced retirement would involve "no loss of appropriate recognition for [Ward's] previous service. The military did not act at this time, as it had its own agenda and wanted a target to be eliminated. The Americans believed that by creating terror within Guatemala, it would in turn disassemble the Guatemalan government. The United States then worked closely with the new Guatemalan president in an attempt to strengthen democracy and human rights. In August 1953, Eisenhower approved a covert CIA-State plan to get rid of Arbenz and replace him with Colonel Carlos Castillo Armas, exiled in Honduras since 1950 for his pro-Arana right-wing coup attempt. Under Arriaga's direction, the security forces began to use extralegal tactics against the PGT. This study argues that the fall of Arbenz was a significant link in the unfolding chain of cold war history. '"[3] The released documents cover the CIA's thought on the intentions of Guatemalan president Jacobo Árbenz. Ihre zuletzt angesehenen Artikel und besonderen Empfehlungen. Wählen Sie die Kategorie aus, in der Sie suchen möchten. Please make sure to choose a rating . Share your thoughts Complete your review. These cards threatened communist political figures and were meant to foreshadow their assassinations. As president, Armas restricted voting rights on the illiterate and banned all political parties and labor unions. During the second half of the 20th century, it experienced a variety of military and civilian governments, as well as a 36-year guerrilla war. The CIA advised against this and said that it would not be beneficial to resistance and that it would "set off wholesale reprisals". In August 1950, a report discussed an earlier plan, hatched by Armas, to lead an armed revolt against the government. The CIA and Argentine advisors cooperated closely in Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras and in training the Nicaraguan FDN, especially during 1981-82. Immerman relates in detail how the CIA and United Fruit magnates paint the guatemalan flag red and declare the country communist because they misinterpreted Agrarian Reform as a direct threat to "National Security." The purpose of SCUGA was to collect information through the arrests and interrogation of what they deemed to be revolutionaries of communism. The CIA began by launching a propaganda campaign, warning the Guatemalan public and Arbenz that a major invasion was underway, setting up a clandestine radio station that jammed Guatemalan signals and flooded the airwaves with greatly exaggerated messages. Reader interest was considerable. These records encompass the events and circumstances causing U.S. policymakers to plan the overthrow of the Guatemalan Government in June 1954 as Cold War tensions mounted between the two superpowers, the U.S. and Soviet Union; CIA plans for and execution of the covert action; the outcome; and CIA historical analysis of CIA's … Wählen Sie eine Sprache für Ihren Einkauf. Alpirez's intelligence unit spied on Guatemalans and is accused by human rights groups of assassinations. [23] The American role in the regime change would also contribute to many Guatemalan's support of communism. There were reports from the UN Human Rights Commission Special Rapporteur (Lord Colville) that stated that Guatemala did violate basic rights but was improving. Central Intelligence Agency, United States. [9] The second document from an unspecified date (though after February 1952, according to point 2) introduces a list of "Guatemalan Communist Personnel to be disposed of [...] by Calligeris. [2], According to staff historian Gerald Haines' 1995 report, concern was growing over Jacobo Arbenz's left-leaning policies and his shift towards communism.[4]. US Embassy in Guatemala (USE/G) to US Department of State (DOS), "Students Sight in on New Minister of Government," 30 June 1969, NACP, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy Files, 1967-1969, Political and Defense, Box 2160, Folder POL 13-Guat-1/1/67. Levenson-Estrada, Deborah (Winter 2003). It was recorded that about 500 Guatemalan citizens were killed in the year 1983, many which were deaths tied to the government. "You Have Only 5 Days") or attempted to mark them falsely as a traitor to the party so that they would be targeted by Arbenz (i.e. [14] Trujillo's trained pistoleros would be utilized in order to eliminate the top leaders of Guatemala. II, 1985. p. 170, San Francisco Chronicle, 27 August 1981, p. 57. [43] The Fourth Corps was an illegal fifty-man assassination squad which operated in secrecy from other members of the National Police, taking orders from Col. Sosa and Col. It was a clear decision to put back in power the same undemocratic elites as before 1944. [1] The coup was articulated to appear as if the Soviets had been at fault for the chaos. [7] The memorandum was addressed to "All Staff Officers,"and included instructions for its circulation, requesting input ("Your careful consideration is requested in making additions or deletions"), so that the "planning [could] proceed on schedule. "[10] The list was split into two categories, Category I and Category II, Category I was a list of people to be taken out by means of executive action and Category II which was individuals selected to be imprisoned or exiled. One of the more intriguing documents released in connection to Guatemala was "A Study of Assassination." Die Operation PBSUCCESS (auch Operation SUCCESS) war eine 1954 vom US-amerikanischen Auslandsgeheimdienst CIA durchgeführte Geheimdienstoperation mit dem Ziel, den demokratisch gewählten Präsidenten von Guatemala, Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán, zu stürzen. [35], Within the framework of CIA supported counterinsurgency, a close relationship developed between right-wing paramilitary organizations and the security structures. According to the George Washington University's "The National Security Archive," there are still over 100,000 pages of documents on CIA activities in Guatemala that have not been released. [2] On June 17, Arbenz enacted an Agrarian Reform Law, and distribution of land under it began on August 7. "[41] The CIA itself referred to the SCUGA as a "government-sponsored terrorist organization...used primarily for assassinations and political abductions"[42] In March 1967, after Vice-Defense Minister and counterinsurgency coordinator Col. Francisco Sosa Avila was named director-general of the National Police, a special counterinsurgency unit of the National Police known as the Fourth Corps was created to carry out extralegal operations alongside the SCUGA. [62], In the latter stages of the thirty-six-year Guatemalan Civil War (1960–1996), however, the CIA helped reduce the incidence and number of the violations of the human rights of Guatemalans; and, in 1983, thwarted a palace coup d’ état, which allowed the eventual restoration of participatory democracy and civil government; the resultant national election was won by Democrácia Cristiana, the Christian Democracy party, and Marco Vinicio Cerezo Arévalo became President of the Republic of Guatemala (1986–91). [33] In 1966, the CIA station in Guatemala addressed the capture and execution of five people who reportedly had entered into Guatemala from Mexico, illegally. : How The United Fruit Company Shaped the World, The Last Colonial Massacre: Latin America in the Cold War, Updated Edition. [23] Prior to President Johnson's term in 1963, Dwight Eisenhower preached about how there was a time that America's end goal was to rid of communist governments. "[60] Stan Goff, a Vietnam veteran and former Staff Sergeant in the US Army 2d Ranger Battalion who served in Guatemala with the 1st Special Forces Operational Detachment-Delta (SFOD-D) in 1983, claims that CIA paramilitary personnel (operating out of the US Embassy) participated directly in combat against the EGP alongside the Guatemalan army. "[24] The coup also left an undesirable feeling for the United States in many countries located in proximity to Guatemala, and in Guatemala itself; an internal history of PBSuccess mentions that people in multiple Latin American cities condemned President Eisenhower publicly. CIA records on assassination planning in Guatemala were first gathered pursuant to a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit filed in 1979. [23] President Lyndon B. Johnson wanted to invade Guatemala with private military contractors. According to author Kate Doyle, the CIA-sponsored military coup in 1954 was "the poison arrow that pierced the heart of Guatemala's young democracy. Newspapers in England such as The London Times criticized America's intrusive covert operations as “modern forms of economic colonialism.”[23] Protests erupted in the capital city of Myanmar (present day Burma), with dissenters throwing rocks at the American Embassy. [38] The MANO also received information from military intelligence through La Regional, with which it was linked to the Army General Staff and all of the main security forces. His wording in 1963 proved, in his opinion, that the nation was beginning to go a different direction. With a capital of $215 million, what was happening in Guatemala was a concern for the company and the United States. Castillo Armas' CIA-supported force entered Guatemala on June 16, 1954.[6]. Armas had developed special “K” groups with the objective to kill all political and military leaders associated with Arbenz. This not only included civil unrest inside Guatemala, but also action done by the U.S. government. [3] The first CIA effort to overthrow Árbenz—a CIA collaboration with Nicaraguan dictator, Anastasio Somoza, to support a "disgruntled" general named Carlos Castillo Armas, and codenamed the Operation as PBSuccess—was authorized by US President Truman in 1952. CIA begins to train police and military of Guatemala. Guatemala 1980s. November 1982. The plans to overthrow Arbenz were more ambitious than the operations that removed Mossadeq in Iran. Armas inherited a country that was financially in trouble, with the government's monetary reserves at $3.4 million in 1955, down from $42 million just 2 years prior. FREDERICK W. MARKS III received his Ph.D. from the University of Michigan, where he studied undcr Bradford Perkins. 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